By Dan Stober
No espionage case in contemporary a long time has been something just like the Wen Ho Lee affair. As Dan Stober and Ian Hoffman describe in "A handy Spy," an astonishingly inept research of against the law which could by no means have happened led to a countrywide shame. A weapons-code scientist at Los Alamos nationwide Laboratory, Lee used to be hunted as a secret agent for China, indicted on fifty-nine counts, and held in detention for 9 months as a chance to the whole country. yet after pleading responsible to only one count number, he went domestic -- with an strange and emotional apology from a federal pass judgement on. Prosecutors' claims that Lee had stolen America's "crown jewels" of nuclear defense easily evaporated. but Lee's reasons have by no means been satisfactorily defined, and his often-repeated excuse that he used to be simply backing up his paintings records doesn't face up to scrutiny. As Stober and Hoffman document, Lee's lies and his unexplained connections to international scientists spanned eighteen years. He was once a safety nightmare. Tapping at his keyboard, he assembled a personal choice of the pc courses used to layout America's nuclear guns, then left them at risk of hackers and overseas intelligence providers for years. The FBI's belated discovery that he had additionally placed the codes on moveable cassette tapes introduced a frenzied all over the world seek that at last carried brokers to the Los Alamos landfill. And but this present day, the tapes have by no means been discovered. In 1995, Lee used to be simply one other American, a Taiwanese immigrant striving to aid a kinfolk he adored and to make a reputation for himself in medical circles. Unknown to him, although, scientists operating within the mystery international of nuclear-weapons intelligence tested purloinedChinese records, studied undercover agent experiences, and puzzled: Had China stolen the secrets and techniques of the W88, America's such a lot complicated nuclear weapon? medical hunches swiftly advanced right into a legal research geared toward Lee. He were overheard by means of the FBI whereas telephoning a undercover agent suspect, and he used to be warmly embraced via a high-ranking chinese language nuclear-weapons reliable whom he wasn't alleged to be aware of. The FBI famous that he was once "ethnic Chinese." And during this doubtful interval after the chilly warfare, many politicians performed up China as a threatening new enemy. power Secretary and vice presidential hopeful invoice Richardson was once desirous to hearth Lee and seem decisive in keeping nationwide protection. during this stormy confluence of intelligence and politics, Lee turned a handy undercover agent. yet used to be he accountable? Dan Stober and Ian Hoffman inform the tale of the Wen Ho Lee fiasco dramatically and authoritatively, supplying an target account that no partisan model of the tale can fit.
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Additional resources for A Convenient Spy: Wen Ho Lee and the politics of nuclear espionage
In his analysis of the human condition of nineteenth-century Europe Masaryk has glimpsed 'the apocalypse'. His vision was nowhere near as vivid or extreme as some, for example, those of Masaryk and the Question of Suicide 25 Marx or Nietzsche. None the less, his own subsequent history is clear evidence that he was not opposed in principle to revolution. For Masaryk, however, revolution, violence, was justifiable only in self-defence and even then only when no other means was available. 9 He preferred careful attention to detailed, thorough work to the dramatic gesture; he was fond of quoting Havlicek's aphorism that what was needed was not people ready to die for their country, but people willing to live and to work for it.
I7 Significantly, over one third of the text of the substantive part of the programme he drafted for his Czech People's Party is devoted to detailed proposals for curricular and organisational reform in the areas of education and culture, 18 all orientated towards overcoming the problem and effects of semi-education. Thirdly, in Suicide Masaryk focuses on what the individual must do and must become, given the absence of a generally shared, 'meaninggiving' worldview. This issue continuously occupies Masaryk's thinking; in later work he seems to be offering his notion of 'humanity' as the new religion for which the times, like those of the Roman Masaryk and the Question of Suicide 29 Empire, were ripe (p.
G. Masaryk and our Times. Further on Masaryk's views on religion and its role in grounding morality, see Antonie van den Beld, Humanity: The Political Philosophy of T. G. Masaryk (The Hague, 1975) pp. 29ff, and Rene Wellek, 'The Philosophical Bases of Masaryk's Political Ideals', Ethics, 55 (July 1945) pp. 298--304. See, for example, Emil Ludwig, Defender of Democracy: Masaryk of Czechoslovakia (New York, 1936) p. 102. In various sources Masaryk makes similar observations about the other causes in which he became involved.